- The Canterbury Benedictional British Museum Harl. MS. 2892
- Vol. II, Containing (i) the Kalendar and (ii) the Missal
- Digitised Manuscripts
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The Canterbury Benedictional British Museum Harl. MS. 2892
Missale de Lesnes Henry Bradshaw Society. Missale Gothicum Henry Bradshaw Society. Missale Romanum Henry Bradshaw Society. Missale Romanum, Mediolani, , Vol. Henry Bradshaw Society. Ordinale Exon. Ordinale Exoni. Volume I Henry Bradshaw Society. Ordinale Sarum Henry Bradshaw Society.
Vol. II, Containing (i) the Kalendar and (ii) the Missal
Pontificale Lanaletense G. Other newly composed benedictions centered squarely on Jerusalem absorbed developing ideals of crusading in different ways. A twelfth-century rite from southern Italy brought together traditional prayers for the rite of scrip and staff known from the RGP and ninth- century additions to the Gellone Sacramentary58 with newly com- posed texts centered on the cross, thus connecting Christ, his life, and his geographical location in Jerusalem. After the richly chosen 54 Cf. Abraham marked by faith in Heb.
For earlier texts, cf. In crusader Stephen of Neublens cited it in a charter to Cluny in explaining why he was going on crusade. Bernard of Clairvaux, in a letter to Peter the Venerable, used Psalms to underscore the need to defend the Church in the East.
Frances Rita Ryan Knoxville, , p. They centered on the cross; the living Christ as human, temporal, sufferer, and redeemer; and the penitential disposition of the crusader himself. This valuation of Jerusalem drew on a strand of devotional thought that prioritized the humanity of Christ and in turn underscored the penitential and devotional elements of crusading ideology. John Moore Brookfield, VT, , pp.
Download The Canterbury Benedictional British Museum Harl. Ms. 2892 (Henry Bradshaw Society) 1995
This also is discussed by Schein, Gateway, pp. Qui cum patre et filio. Papal Practices: Toward Durandus These were all local traditions, local adaptations to developing devotional practices spurred by crusade. To be sure, the majority will not include this rite; the number simply rep- resents the relative influence of this family of texts. The generic scrip-and-staff rite, paired with a blessing for the cross specific to Jerusalem, probably reflected a notional division, where the cross blessing could be used to turn a pilgrimage rite into one specifi- cally for Jerusalem pilgrims, but also might be used without the cross texts for other pilgrimages.
Manuscripts throughout the period did not necessarily bundle the cross rite with the scrip-and-staff rite into one overall rite with a single unifying rubric. But there is no reason that the two rites—cross on the one hand, scrip and staff on the other—could not also be performed separately. Because of liturgical fluidity, the possi- bilities were infinite. Since rubrics for the scrip-and-staff prayers for the most part never routinely adopted a language that indicated Jerusalem, they could be used independently for, say, pilgrimage to Canterbury.
The watershed moment came with William Durandus, bishop of Mende, c. This pontifical, which effectively replaced RP13, standardized the Roman Pontifical and was wildly popular on the continent throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Even more than the curial liturgy of the thirteenth century, the rite spread to the north in the later Middle Ages, particularly after the papacy moved to Avignon.
See Kay, Pontificalia. The line had been a rallying cry for crusade since , and it is singularly remarkable that this is the first text to incorporate it into the rite for blessing that very cross. Purkis, in the early chapters, follows the use of this language through to the Third Crusade and argues that, although it was used widely for the First Crusade, under the influence of Bernard of Clairvaux, the term was increasingly reserved for monastics. This is a rite for crusaders who are on Jerusalem crusade, owing everything to the penitential tradition of pilgrimage, but centered squarely within the thirteenth-century spiri- tuality of crusade that mixed passion and humanity with devotion to Christ.
In this, we have a deep continuity with the now ancient pilgrimage entreaties. But we have moved from Rome to Jerusalem, from the threshold of the apostles to the tomb of Christ. No mention was made of a scrip-and-staff rite, but following the cross-blessing were blessings for arms, blessing of the sword, and the blessing and handing over of the war standard. York, see W. Henderson, ed. Columbia University owns a copy of the pontifical; the author thanks Consuelo Dutschke for verifying that the volume does not contain a rite for pilgrims.
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But there are trends, and these trends point toward the increasingly explicit focus on Jerusalem. Fundamentally, the history of the rite underscores the dominance of the pilgrimage paradigm in Jerusalem crusade through to the sixteenth century and thus the importance not so much of Jerusalem in defining crusade, but of pilgrimage in defining Jerusalem crusade. Jerusalem crusade thus could always be associated with the prayers of the saints and the remission of all sins that had been promised in the pilgrimage rites well before The addition of the cross blessing to the old scrip- and-staff rite was probably an early, instinctive, spontaneous, and inchoate liturgical response to the importance of the new symbol of crusade, the badge of the cross.
But once established, the rite then set its own parameters, and its debt to the pilgrimage form meant that it was difficult to disassociate the meaning of the departure ritual from the focus on Jerusalem. There were clearly exceptions and local prac- tices. Experimentation and invention, however, seemed to mark the period from the mid-twelfth to the mid-thirteenth century.
These changes to the rite tended to invoke Jerusalem. As these new crusades did not involve devotional shrines, the rite of cross, scrip, and staff always remained centered on the Holy City. The imprecise language applied also obscured the issue. Throughout the crusading period, especially in the twelfth century, crusaders were designated as peregrini without dis- tinguishing between armed and unarmed pilgrims to Jerusalem. The language of the crucesignatus was in one sense a response to the expansion of crusade, since one could now be crucesignatus but not a pilgrim. This distinction between the crusader and the pil- grim allowed for forms of crusade that is, papally sanctioned holy war against enemies of the Church that incurred spiritual benefit known as the indulgence other than Jerusalem crusade.
Therefore, the language of crusading—applied to an individual signed by the cross crucesignatus —did not distinguish, but the rite that blessed that sign of the cross signum crucis increasingly and stubbornly did. It was the Holy Land of the Crusades—the geographical location where Christ had lived and died, the Holy City of his tomb, and the gate to the Heavenly Jerusalem—that promoted and preserved the tie between pilgrimage and holy war.
In conjunction with the increas- ingly central place of Jerusalem, the prayers that explicitly identified Jerusalem concretized it as a physical, obtainable space. Listed here are only those sources pertinent to the discussion in this article. Many, but not all, of the most interesting texts have been pub- lished. For the earlier period, the relevant sources are generally found in sacramentaries, drawn here from editions of the Gelasian, Gregorian, and Mozarabic sacramentary traditions.
Starting in the eleventh century, the relevant rites are principally found in pontifi- cals. James Brundage has edited rele- vant texts for England. Below is a list of the sources identified in the article by their manuscript shelf-mark. When available, editions of manuscripts have also been noted. Odilo Heiming, ed. Antoine Dumas, ed. Series Latina, —A], Turnhout, Gregorian Sacramentary.
Jean Deshusses, ed. Burgos, — Barriga Planas, ed. Alejandro Olivar, ed.